166Notes: (1) Compare, Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of India, pp. 53–60.
(2) For the zamindars’ alignment with the Mughals and their interdependence upon each other, see S. Nurul Hasan, ‘Zamindars under the Mughals’; Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, pp. 136–89; A.R. Khan, Chieftains in the Mughal Empire, passim. See also Richard G. Fox, Kin, Clan, Raja and Rule: State Hinterland Relations in the Pre-industrial India, Berkeley, 1971, passim.
(3) M. U., I, p. 565; Burhan-i Awadh, p. 22.
(4) T. Hindi, f. 217.
(5) Ajaib, f. 35a.
(6) Ain, II (Jarrett), pp. 184–90, see also S. Z. H. Jafari, ‘The Land Controlling Classes in Awadh, 1600–1900’, PIHC, 43rd Session, Kurukshetra, 1982.
(7) Roshan Kalam, pp. 6–7, 12 and 36–7.
(8) Akhbarat FS, 3rd r. y., II, p. 143.
(9) Ibid., FS, 4th r. y., I, p. 121; Ajaib, f. 18b. Amar Singh is no move mentioned in our sources. It seems that Chhabele Ram succeeded in totally crushing the leadership of Amar Singh. According to Benett, it was about twenty years after Chhabele Ram that Amar Singh’s grandson resumed the lead of his clan levies and ‘engaged’ for the four villages of Khajurgaon, Sareli, Bajpaipur and Hajipur. Cf. W. C. Benett, A Report on the Family History of the Chief Clans of Roy Bareilly District, Lucknow, 1895, p. 36.
(10) Ibid., FS, 3rd R. Y., I, p. 149 (17 June 1714).
(11) In 1715, the Gaur Rajputs collected in a fortress at Kanha which belonged to the ta‘alluqa of Katesar. Girdhar Bahadur, the governor’s nephew, was deputed to chastise the rebels. The battle that took the lives of 300 Gaurs and of over fifty Mughal soldiers ended in the victory of the latter. Twenty-five fortresses in the neighbourhood subsequently fell to the Mughals and the Gaurs fled to the jungles. Girdhar then moved towards Katesar with a view to subjugating the remaining fortresses of the pargana. The fortress of Noner, an important centre
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of the Gaurs in Khairabad which had earlier been reduced by Sarbuland Khan after about a month’s siege, also fell to Girdhar. Compare, Ajaib, f. 36a; Tabsira, f. 55a.
(12) Akhbarat, FS, 4th r. y., I, p. 7.
(13) Ibid., 5th r. y., II, p. 122.
(14) Ibid., 2nd r. y., II, pp. 99, 130 and 154. Subsequently, the governor with a strong army, under the thanadars, tried to capture all the fortresses belonging to the leader of the Afghan rebels but he could subjugate only four of the Afghan garhis in the pargana.
(15) Ibid., 4th R. Y., I. p. 7.
(16) Ibid., 3rd R. Y., I, p. 147.
(17) Ibid., 3rd R. Y., II, p. 159.
(18) Ibid., p. 221.
(19) Ibid., 4th R.Y., I, p. 121.
(20) Ibid., for a successful military campaign against the zamindars of pargana Sadauli, sarkar Lucknow, in April, 1715. Sharaif, p. 245 for an expedition under Ruh-ul-Amin Khan, the deputy governor, against the zamindars of pargana Shahabad. Akhbarat FS, 6th R. Y., II, p. 86 for Nur Muhammad’s chastisement of the zamindars of pargana Salas in November 1717.
(21) Ibid., 6th R. Y., I, p.
(22) Ajaib, f. 36a.
(23) See also Chapter 6.
(24) See Chapter 6.
(25) Shivdas, ff. 72b–73a.
(26) Ajaib, ff. 66.
(27) Shivdas, f. 73a.
(28) Akhbarat FS, 3rd R. Y., II, p. 87 (27 October 1714).
(29) Ibid., 6th–8th R. YS., p. 16 (14 June 1717).
(30) Shivdas, f. 73a.
(31) Akhbarat FS, 6th–8th R. YS., p.169.
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(32) Tarikh-i Azamgarh, I. O. 4038, f. 15a.
(33) Roshan Kalam, pp. 6–7, 12 and 36–7.
(34) Ibid., pp. 6 and 14 and 27 for Jethi, Rajsahi and other mufsids’ raids on the fortresses of the Saiyid zamindars of Murtaza Nagar and Ghaffar Nagar, etc., pargana Harha. Rad Andaz Khan, the faujdar, helped restore the old zamindars, and also tried to contain the turbulent Rajputs by replacing the new zamindars in existing Rajput strongholds (pp. 3 and 18). This seems to have boomeranged, accentuating and accelerating the disturbances.
(35) Ibid., p. 10. Of 24 places which acquired importance in our period, 18 were located in Baiswara and its immediate neighbourhood in south Awadh. See Map 1, p. 62.
(36) Compare James Rennell’s map of ‘Oude and Allahabad’ with part of Agra and Delhi in Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan or the Mogul Empire, reprinted with his Bengal Atlas, Patna, 1975.
(37) Compare Jadunath Sarkar, India of Aurangzeb, and Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire, Delhi, 1982, Maps 8A and 8B and also notes pp. 26–33.
(38) Roshan Kalam, p. 37. Ajgain (Ojgein) figures in Rennell’s map of ‘Oude’ and on the route between Lucknow and Jajmau and is a station on the modern railway connecting Kanpur with Lucknow.
(39) Cf. Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, Vol. II, Allahabad, 1877, p. 500. In 1841 in the half-yearly report on the construction of Public Works in the Territory of Oude, Alexander Cunningham said of the bridge which was on the existing road to Kanpur as having been built ‘upwards of one hundred years’. Compare R. G. Varady, ‘The Diary of a Road: A Sequential Narration of the Origins of the Lucknow-Kanpur Road (1825–1856)’, IESHR, Vol. XV, No. 2, April- June, 1978, p. 153.
(40) See Chapters 6 and 7.
(41) Cf. W. C. Benett, Chief Clans of the Ray Bareilly District, pp. 44–5.
(42) Roshan Kalam, pp. 26–7.
(43) C. A. Bayly, Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars, pp. 81 and 96–9. Bayly mentions a very rapid proliferation of ganjs in the trans-Ganga Awadh, as many as fortytwo between 1750 and 1819.
(44) Ibid., p. 97.
(45) Roshan Kalam, p. 12 for the new mandis and puras of the Shaikhzadas in Lucknow and p. 26 for the faujdaris.
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(46) I. O. 4489.
Jama in dams in the Jama in dams in the 18th century (c. Sarkar Ain 1755) Awadh 4,09,56,347 5,87,31,515 (rose by 1,77,75,168) Bahraich 2,41,20,525 3,74,25,644 (rose by 1,33,05,119) Gorakhpur 1,19,26,790 4,38,16,237 (rose by 3,18,89,447) Khairabad 4,36,44,381 9,43,35,608 (rose by 5,06,91,227) Lucknow 8,07,16,160 13,99,33,358 (rose by 6,67,22,825) (47) Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire, Map 8B and notes p. 29 for the new name of the sarkar.
(48) M. Athar Ali, ‘Provincial Governors under Aurangzeb’ in Medieval India, A Miscellany, Vol. I, Bombay, 1669, pp. 96–133.
(49) Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, (eds.) The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol. I, p. 376.
(50) I. O. 4489 for the jama figures, and Irfan Habib Atlas Map 8A for location of these places.
(51) Charles Alfred Elliot, Chronicles of Oonao: A District in Oudh, Allahabad, 1862, p. 73.
(52) Ain, II (Jarrett), pp. 184, 188–90.
(53) Roshan Kalam, pp. 14, 18, 27 and 36.
(54) Richard G. Fox, Kin, Clan, Raja and Rule, pp. 14–30. For his opinion that the political recognition of the lineages helped them buttress their self-definition, see pp. 76–7.
(55) I. O. 4489. For the revenue administration of Awadh see Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, pp. 4, 11–13, 22, 202n, 212n, 220 and 223; see also Ain’s tables, pp. 184–90.
(56) A. L. Srivastava, basing himself exclusively on the evidence of District Gazetteers characterized these zamindars as ‘the independent and semi-
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independent barons of Awadh’. See, for instance, A. L. Srivastava, First Two Nawabs of Awadh, pp. 31, 34–41, 43–9, 90–3 and 183–5, where he discusses the revolts of the so-called rajas of Awadh during the time of Burhan-ul-Mulk and Safdar Jang.
(57) Akhbarat FS, 5th R.Y., II, p. 172.
(58) See for instance ibid., 2nd R. Y., II, p. 99; 3rd R. Y., I, p. 149.
(59) Ibid., 4th R. Y., I, p. 155; 3rd R. Y., II, p. 143 for the revolts of the so-called Raja Mardan Singh of Dondia Khera; also see Shivdas, ff. 72b, 73a.
According to Dr Noman Ahmad Siddiqi, a distinction has to be maintained between a mal-wajib paying zamindar and the peshkashi zamindar. The former paid revenue on the basis of actual measurement of land under cultivation or on the basis of previous records of yields while the latter was not subject to the detailed assessment of land actually under cultivation. Cf. Land Revenue Administration, pp. 22–3.
(60) For some such evidence see Chapter 4, see also M. Alam, ‘Aspects of Agrarian uprisings in North India in the Early Eighteenth Century’, in Romila Thapar and S. Bhattacharya (eds.) Situating Indian History, Delhi, 1986.
(61) Ajaib, f. 36a.
(62) Ain, I, pp. 140–1; see also Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, p. 307; N. A. Siddiqi, Land Revenue Administration, pp. 123–4.
(63) Cf. Shirin Moosvi, ‘Siyurghal Statistics in the Ain-i Akhbari: An Analysis’, Indian Historical Review, Vol. II, No. 2, January 1976, pp. 282–9.
(64) See for example Allahabad, 196, 924 and 1300 for Saiyid Mohammad and Mir Saiyid Muhammad Arif of sarkar Bahraich and Bibi Saliha of pargana Sadrpur in sarkar Khairabad. Saiyid Muhammad held over 645 bighas as his madad-i ma‘ash in pargana Husampur, while Mir Saiyid Muhammad ‘Arifs holding extended over 999 bighas. Bibi Saliha had 200 bighas as her madad-i ma‘ash in pargana Sadrpur.
(65) On 22 November 1677, Mir Saiyid Muhammad Arif acquired from one Maha Singh, son of Lal Sahi, a Khatri by caste, the latter’s share in the zamindari and milkiyat of Unchhapur, tappa Chaurasi, pargana Husampur. On 13 November 1681, he obtained from one Tara Chand, the latter’s share in the zamindari and milkiyat of Debidaspur in the same tappa. On 22 May 1687 Daya Ram, Kaidhi and their mother, Brahmans by caste, are reported to have sold to him their milkiyat and zamindari over half of the village of Baidauri. In 1099/1687–88, Narain and Puran Brahmans sold to him l/10th of the village of Pasnajat. On 8 January 1694, he purchased 1/45th of the village from Nawazi, son of Kashi, the
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Brahman (zunnaradar). Banyanhari, a village in tappa Mubarakpur, pargana Haveli Bahraich is also recorded to have been in the milkiyat and zamindari of Mir Saiyid Muhammad Arif. Cf. Allahabad, 1284, 1295, 1298, 1300 and 1309.
(66) Ibid., 136.
(67) Shaikh Abd-ur-Rashid, ‘Suyurghal Lands under the Mughals’, H. R. Gupta (ed.), Essays Presented to Sir Jadunath Sarkar, pp. 313–22.
(68) Sharaif, p. 70.
(69) See for instance Akhbarat BS, 5th R. Y., p. 74.
(70) Allahabad, 1224, 1285 and 1317. Significantly the document No. 124 mentions Mir Arif as the ‘malik and ta‘alluqadar’. For the case of Muhammad Panah, see, Bilgram Documents, Nos. 60 and 67. Deptt. of History, Aligarh. I owe this reference to S. Z. H. Jafari.
(71) The grant was liable to forfeiture in cases when the grantee had any other source of income. Compare Ain I, p. 287 and an order of Shahjahan cited in Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, p. 307n.
(72) Ibid., 1291. We do not have any evidence for the background of, or for the motive that operated behind, this incident. We can presume that the qanungo, having legal expertise regarding land possessions and revenue, acted quite expectedly on the proclaimed policy of the Mughals, for he might have thought that the Saiyid after acquiring the zamindaris, etc., had forsaken his claim to any exemptions.
(73) Ibid., 1309.
(74) The appointment and the service of one Shaikh Karim Ali, the keeper of the records (sarrishtadar) of the revenue grants of pargana Barudanja (?) in sarkar Khairabad, is ascribed to his capacity to keep the local grantees appeased. In contrast to this, the appointment of his grandfather and father to the same office is explicitly mentioned to have followed the imperial farmans. Allahabad, 1192.
(75) Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, p. 299n.
(76) Sharaif, p. 166; Qazi Sharif-ul-Hasan, Tanqih-ul-Kalam Fi-Tarikh-i Bilgram (An Urdu local history of Bilgram based primarily on eighteenth century MSS, Sharaif-i Usmani and Musajjalat Fi Tarikh-al-Quzat of Qazi Ahmadullah, son of Qazi Muhammad Ihsan) pp. 193–4.
(77) Muhammad Hasan Abbasi, Abbasiyan-i Kakori, Lucknow, 1945, p. 9.
(78) Allahabad 882, 935 and 1280 of the 19th R. Y., of Aurangzeb/1676–77.
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(79) For the extent and the nature of the madad-i ma‘ash in Mughal times see Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, pp. 298–307 and 313–15. For some information about the earlier period see Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of India, I. pp. 75–6.
(80) Compare I. A. Khan, ‘Shaikh Abd-ul-Quddus Gangohi’s Relations with Political Authorities: A Reappraisal’, Medieval India: A Miscellany, Vol. IV, Bombay, 1977, pp.73–90.
(81) For such view see K. A. Nizami, ‘Naqshbandi Influence on Mughal Rulers and Politics’, Islamic Culture, Vol. XXXIX, 1965, pp. 41–52. See also Mohammad Yasin, A Social History of Islamic India. 1605–1748. Lucknow, 1958, pp. 148–58. For an opposite opinion, see Irfan Habib, ‘The Political Role of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi and Shah Waliullah’, Enquiry 5, December 1961, pp. 36–55; see also S. Nurul Hasan, ‘Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi and Mughal Politics’ PIHC, 8th Session, Annamalainagar, 1945, pp. 248–54, and Yohnan Friedmann, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhinidi: an Outline of His Thought and a Study of His Image with Posterity, Montreal, 1971, pp. 77–86.
(82) Shaikh Abd-uI-Haq Muhaddis Dehlavi and Shaikh Abd-ul-Jalil Siddiqi resented Sirhindi’s ‘extravagance’, excessive self-esteem and his religious views. Cf. Y. Friedmann, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi, pp. 88–92. For Sirhindi’s imprisonment and release, see Tuzuk-i Jahangiri, edited by Syud Ahmud (Saiyid Ahmad Khan), Ally Gurh (Aligarh), 1864, pp. 272–3, 308 and 370. For mir addl and qazi’s exemption from sajda before the emperor, see Tuzuk-i Jahangiri, p. 99.
(83) For details see Shaikh Abd-ur-Rashid, ‘Suyurghal Land under the Mughals’.
(84) Cf. Satish Chandra, ‘Jizya and the State in India During the 17th Century’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. XII, part III, 1969.
(85) Cf. Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, p. 306. Among the concessions of Aurangzeb to the Sunni Muslim orthodoxy may be noted, in particular, his order regarding the resumption of the grants by the non-Muslims, transforming them into revenue-payers, even though at a concessional rate. Compare, B. N. Goswamy and J. S. Grewal (eds.) The Mughals and the Jogis of Jakhbr: Some Madad-i Ma‘ash and Other Documents, Simla, 1967, Document IX.
(86) Cf. Zafarul Islam, ‘Nature of Landed Property in Mughal India: Views of an Eighteenth Century Jurist’, PIHC, 36th Session, Aligarh, 1975, pp. 301–9.
(87) The policy seems to have been pursued even later by the autonomous rulers of Awadh. Asaf-ud-Daulah is reported to have visited the Sufi Shrine at Salon and granted to it 12 villages by expelling the Kanhpuria Rajputs for their disloyalty. Cf. H. R. Nevill, District Gazetteers of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, Vol. 39, pp. 101–3. For a brief account of the establishment of the shrine at Salon
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(in the erstwhile Manikpur sarkar of suba Allahabad) see S. Z. H. Jafari, ‘Two Madad-i-Ma‘ash farmans of Aurangzeb from Awadh’, PIHC, 1979, pp. 302–14.
(88) Roshan Kalam, pp. 3–4, 6, 14 and 27.
(89) Allahabad, 1565.
(90) Ibid., 1315.
(91) Khujasta, pp. 165–6. Also see Shivdas (ff. 736–74a) for Singha Gaur, the zamindar of Katesar’s atrocities on the revenue grantees of Laharpur and Kheri in sarkar Khairabad and Ajaib, (ff. 66) and some Akhbarat of Farrukh Siyar’s reign for conflicts between the zamindars and the madad-i ma‘ash grantees in Daryabad.
(92) Allahabad, 1565.
(93) Mulla Qutb-ud-Din was a madad-i ma‘ash grantee and ran a well-established madrasa in Sahali in the sarkar of Lucknow. Two of his students, Shaikh Ghulam Muhammad, a maternal grandson of the celebrated Shaikh Nizam-ud-Din of Amethi, and Shaikh Izzatullah of Sandila were also killed by the assailants. His son, Muhammad Sa‘id, the qazi of the pargana of Sahali and a number of the Mulla’s pupils received serious wounds. The women of the Mulla’s family and his other relations in the town were humiliated. The library of the madrasa which comprised about 900 books, including the copies of the Holy Qur’an and the hadis were set on fire. The atrocities inflicted on the family and madrasa of the Mulla are said to have been due to his intimate relations with the emperor. Cf. Mufti Muhammad Raza Ansari Firangi Mahali, Bani-e Dars-i Nizami, Mulla Nizam-ud-Din Firangi Mahali, Aligarh, 1973, pp. 25–30. Ansari reproduces the mahzar of Quzi Muhammad Sa‘id with its photostat copy and quotes from contemporary and near-contemporary unpublished biographies and family histories.
(94) Tarikh-i Jais (a local history of Jais compiled possibly in the late-eighteenth century) MS Dr Abdul Ali Collection, Nadwat-ul Ulama, Lucknow, ff. 27. The story of friendship between the Saiyids of Jais and the zamindar of Tiloi is obscure and shrouded in mystery.
It is to be noted that Mohan Singh, out of resentment arising from his father’s proposition to nominate his other son, Newal, to succeed to the zamindari after his death, had killed the former and usurped the zamindari without seeking a formal sanction from the Mughal diwan. Cf. W. C. Benett, Chief Clans of the Roy Bareilly District, pp. 41–2. In his enterprise, Mohan seems to have been backed by the Saiyids and the Shaikhs which neutralized the loss of the desertion of his own clansmen.
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(95) Allahabad 934. An old feud seems to have existed between the qazi and the Mirs. Even during the tenure of his office, the qazi had seized over a thousand bighas in the pargana of Fatehpur, sarkar Bahraich, where he held 250 bighas as his mashrut madad-i ma‘ash. The land misappropriated was in the zamindari of the Mirs. Also, one Jafar, a relative of the qazi, is reported to have usurped their zamindari and milkiyat in the villages of Sahya, Karmallahpur and Kantaur in parganas Selak and Husampur Ibid., No. 1280.
(96) Akhbarat BS, 2nd R.Y., p. 139, for the offences of the chaudhuris of Bilgram against the Saiyids of a village in the pargana. See also Allahabad 1316, for one Natha, a zamindar-cum-thanadar’s excesses on the madad-i ma‘ash of one Mian Shaikh Bhavan in the village of Madhopur of pargana Sadrpur in sarkar Khairabad. Natha raided the village along with his kinsmen (biradari).
(97) Satish Chandra, Parties and Politics, Introduction, p. xxvi with qualification; Shirin Moosvi, ‘Siyurghal Statistics in the Ain-i-Akbari: An Analysis’.
(98) For a different interpretation of this kind of conflict see Iqtidar Alam Khan, ‘Middle Classes in the Mughal Empire’, Presidential Address to the Medieval Indian Section of the Indian History Congress, 36th Session, Aligarh, 1975. Khan suggests placing the urban intelligentsia including town-based revenue grantees and traders in Mughal times in one category as against a category of zamindars and jagirdars who subsisted on the appropriation of ‘feudal’ surplus.
(99) Ain, II (Jarrett), pp. 187, 189–90.
(100) Roshan Kalam, pp. 7 and 36.
(101) Ibid., pp. 3–4, for the case of one Saiyid Muzaffar who was recommended by the faujdar, Rad Andaz Khan, for a mansab and the zamindari in pargana Saipur following the rising of the Chauhan zamindars in the pargana.
(102) C. A. Elliot, Chronicles of Oonao, pp. 53–4. Elliot claims to have seen several of Aurangzeb’s farmans to the Gehlots.
(103) Roshan Kalam, p. 18.
(104) Akhbarat BS, 3rd R. Y., p. 222 and 4th R. Y., p. 146.
(105) Allahabad 516, 522–3 and 611.
(106) Ibid., 7 and 11 for inam; 2 for reference to Kankhat as qasba Saroman Nagar; 2, 4–5, 12 and 14 for purchase of zamindaris in Sandi and Sirah.
(107) Compare Athar Ali, Mughal Nobility, pp. 78–80; Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, p. 260.
(108) Shivdas, ff. 3b, 11b, 27b; Mubarak, ff. 78a and 105a.
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(109) Ibid., f. 58a.
(110) Majmua-i Faramin (a collection of original Mughal farmans, parwanas and hasb-ul-hukms bound together) Rampur MS, pp. 61–2.
(111) Shivdas, f. 3b.
(112) The Mughal mansab (rank) was dual, stated in two numbers, one termed zat which represented the status of the rankholder in the hierarchy of the Mughal mansabdars, and the other sawar which represented the strength of the ‘cavalry’ under his command. The official formula for stating this, in the case of 2000 zat and 1000 sawar for example, was du hazari hazar sawar. Among the important innovations under Jahangir was du aspa sih aspa which was theoretically a part of the sawar rank and signified the pay and obligations to be twice the number of rank. Is some cases the entire sawar rank was du aspa sih aspa while in others only a portion of it became so, the rest designated barawurdi remaining ordinary. Cf. M. Athar Ali, Mughal Nobility, pp. 38–43.
(113) Shivdas, f. 12b.
(114) Akhbarat FS, 4th R.Y., II, p. 78, for a report about a large number of the Awadhi (mutawattinan-i suba Awadh) mansabdars’ obtaining certificates (for jagirs and services) from the office of the bakhshis on the strength of their residence in the province (ba ilaqa-i watan). They then sat idle in their homes and did not perform their duties.
(115) Ibid., 6th R.Y., I, p. 329, dated 5th October 1717, for one Shaikh Khairullah of Panhan town who had for long been blind and had been confined to his house but was still collecting and appropriating the revenue of his erstwhile jagir area.
(116) Compare Shivdas, ff. 3b, 11b and 27b; Mubarak, ff. 78a and 105a.
(117) Allahabad 962 and 12033.
(118) Khujasta, f. 80b; W. Irvine, Later Moghuls, II, p. 230.
(119) Compare Tuhfa, ff. 3a, 4a and 9b; Kamboh, f. 48a. Murtaza Khan’s original name was Hifzullah Khan. He was son of Shukrullah Khan known as Murtaza Khan Bahadur Shahi (d. 1712) and was appointed superintendent of the imperial elephant stable under Bahadur Shah (6th R. Y.). In the reign of Jahandar Shah (1713) he rose to the office of the second bakhshi and received the title of Wizarat Khan. In the 7th R. Y., of Farrukh Siyar, he was appointed faujdar of Saharanpur and in 1719 he got the office of the qurbegi (head of armoury) at the court. In the reign of Rafi ud-Daula, he received the title of Murtaza Khan and was given the niyabat of the mir atish. Throughout the reign of Muhammad Shah
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he appears to have stayed, and held different important offices, at the court. Cf. Kamwar, ff. 306a, 331b, 336a, 358a and 364a.
(120) Cf. Muhammad Ali Khan Ansari, Tarikh-i Muzaffari, f. 352a and Bahr-ul- Mawwaj, f. 318b, Patna MSS. Sher Afgan Khan, a brother of Khwaja Lutfullah Khan Sadiq of Panipat was faujdar of Panipat, Meerut and Sikandrabad in the early years of Bahadur Shah’s reign. In his 4th R.Y., he was appointed deputy governor of Malwa, which was in the subadari of Prince Jahan Shah. He received the office of khan saman and the title of Azz-ud-Daula Irom Muhammad Shah. Kamwar, ff. 307a, 314b and 377b.
(120a) See Chapter 6.
(121) K.K., I, P. 157.
(122) Compare N. A. Siddiqi, Land Revenue Administration, p. 94.
(123) Akhbarat FS, 4th R. Y., I, p. 110.
(124) Ibid., 6th R. Y., I, p. 174.
(125) Cf. for the Moradabad-Bareilly region, Muhammad Salih Tarikh-i Ali, ff. 94b–95a; Safarnama of Anand Ram ‘Mukhlis’, (ed.) S. Azhar Ali, Rampur, 1946, pp. 2, 3, 27 and 72: see also Muzaffar Alam, ‘Zamindar Uprisings and the Emergence of Rohilla Power in sarkar Muradabad’, PIHC, Bhubaneswar, 1977, pp. 221–30. For the Benaras region see, Tuhfa ff. 3b and 10a–11a, and Kamboh, ff. 6a, 45b–47a and 48b.
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