204Notes: (1) This does not imply that the elements of Khalsa were totally absent in the earlier phases of Sikhism. Elements of struggle against tyranny are discernible in Guru Nanak’s denunciation of contemporary rulers and Guru Hargohind’s resistance against oppression. The Sikh traditions of catholicity and egalitarianism were unmistakable features of Sikh polity when it matured, even though the Sikh movement under Banda Bahadur was not free from religious overtones. The Sikh rulers patronized personages and institutions of all faiths. Compare, Indu Banga, Agrarian System of the Sikhs, Delhi, 1978, pp. 148–67.
(2) Ganesh Das Vadehra, Char Bagh-i Panjab, edited by Kirpal Singh, Amritsar, 1965, p. 115.
(3) Compare W. Irvine, Later Moghuls, I, pp. 84–6; S. M. Latif, History of the Punjab, Calcutta (1891), pp. 264–5.
(4) By 1682 when the Sikhs clashed with the chief of Bilaspur the whole setting of Gobind Singh’s darbar had been that of a regal court and his uncle, Kirpal had begun to invite the chiefs to visit Anandpur Makhowal, the Sikh headquarters. The militarization of the Sikh headquarters alarmed the chief who asserted his authority on the establishment by demanding a tribute from Gobind Singh. S. S. Bal, ‘Early Years of the Pontificate of Guru Gobind Singh’ in Proceedings of the Punjab History Conference, 1966 (Patiala 1968), pp. 63–78.
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(5) K. K., II, p. 652; M. A. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Its Gurus, Sacred Writings and Authors, reprint, Delhi, 1963, Vol. V, pp. 230 and 235; W. Irvine, Later Moghuls I, pp. 89–90; Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, Calcutta, 1919, Vol. III, p. 361.
(6) Akhbarat, BS, 5th r. y., p. 165.
(7) Warid, p. 282.
(8) Akhbarat, BS, 3rd r. y., p. 342; 4th r. y., p. 372; 5th r. y., pp. 289,374 and 395.
(9) Ibid., BS, 6th r. y., p. 16.
(10) Ibid., BS, 5th and 6th r. ys., II, p. 428.
(11) ‘Every night’, as it was reported to the Mughal court on 24 Jumada I, 4th R.Y., of Farrukh Siyar, ‘about 500 to 600 persons from the villages of pargana Batala and the other parganas in the neighbourhood carry over one to two thousand mans of foodgrains to the accursed Sikhs. Nobody intercepts them on their way to Gurdaspur.’ Ibid., FS, 4th R.Y., I, pp. 97,141–2 and 158.
(12) Ibid., BS, 4th R. Y., pp. 80, 88 and 89; pp. 98, 260 and 282; FS, 1st and 2nd R. YS., pp. 129 and 137, 3rd R. Y., I, pp. 10, 7, 116, 127–8 and 158.
(13) Ibid., BS, 4th R. Y., pp. 7 and 80. See also W. Irvine, Later Moghuls I, p. 72.
(14) Ibid., BS, 4th R. Y., pp. 80, 88, 127–8 and 147 for Banda’s invasion of Saharanpur, Buria, Kerana, Kandhla, Jalalabad and Jwalapur.
(15) The non-Sikh residents of chakla Sirhind were so scared of the dangers of Banda’s total control over the region that they made an appeal to Jahandar Shah to allow them to accompany the royal retinue to Delhi. Ibid., JS, pp. 98 and 282.
(16) Ibid., FS, 1st and 2nd R. YS., p. 152.
(17) Asrar-i Samadi, edited by M. Shujauddin, Lahore, 1965, p. 9; MM, f. 45a.
(18) Akhbarat, FS, 4th R. Y., p. 159.
(19) Ibid., FS, 4th R. Y., p. 149.
(20) K. K., II, p. 651.
(21) Compare Ain, II, (Jarrett), pp. 292 and 323–5.
(22) Cf. Irian Habib, ‘Presidential Address to the Medieval Section’ in the Proceedings of the Punjab History Conference, 1971 (Patiala 1972), pp. 49–54; M. K. Kudryavtsev, ‘The Role of the Jats in Northern India’s Ethnic History’ in J. N. Singh Yadav (ed.), Haryana: Studies in History and Politics, New Delhi, 1976,
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pp. 95–103; Iftikhar Ahmad, ‘Medieval Jatt Immigration into the Punjab’, paper presented at the Indian History Congress, 43rd Session Kurukshetra, 1982 (mimeograph).
(23) Compare Ain, II, (Jarrett), pp. 320–36 for the Punjab and Multan, pp. 291–3 for sarkar Delhi and pp. 298–301 for Hisar Firoza and Sirhind. See also Iftikhar Ahmad, ‘Medieval Jatt Immigation’.
(24) S. Nurul Hasan, ‘Zamindars under the Mughals’ in R. E. Frykenberg (ed.), Land Control and Social Structure in Indian History, p. 25.
(25) Compare Tom G. Kessinger, Vilyatpur, 1848–1968, Social and Economic Change in a North Indian Village, New Delhi, 1979, pp. 28–40 and 44–9. Kessinger analyses the Ain’s information together with the nineteenth-century accounts in order to examine continuity and change in pre-British Punjab.
(26) Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, pp. 26 and 27 and Tom G. Kessinger, Vilyatpur, p. 15.
(27) Cf. H. K. Naqvi, Urban Centres and Industries in Upper India, 1556–1803, Bombay, 1968, pp. 44–6.
(28) Cf. Irfan Habib, Atlas, Sheets 4B and 5B and Notes, pp. 11–12 and 15–16. Mohan Lal, Travels in the Punjab, Afghanistan and Turkistan to Balkh, Bokhara, and Herat, reprint, Patiala. 1971, Chapter VII, pp. 373–462.
(29) Kamwar, pp. 53 and 335.
(30) Bayan-i Waqi, p. 57.
(31) Mohan Lal, Travels, p. 396.
(32) Ibid., pp. 398, 406, 412, 438 and 441.
(33) C. A. Bayly, Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars, pp. 91 and 202–5; H. K. Naqvi, Urban Centres and Industries, pp. 41–9.
(34) Compare Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh, edited by Zafar Hasan, Delhi, 1918, pp. 66, 70–1 and 79; Asrar-i Samadi, p. 5.
(35) H. K. Naqvi, Ibid., p. 15 quoting William Finch and Abdul Baqi Nahawandi.
(36) Ganesh Das Vadehra, Char Bagh-i Panjab, English tr. by J. S. Grewal and Indu Banga as Panjab in the Early Nineteenth Century, Amritsar, 1975, for an account of these towns. However, this does not imply a smooth growth in the seventeenth century. The fluctuations in the economy of Sindh may have affected the economy of the Punjab. See Sunita I. Zaidi, ‘Problems of the Mughal
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Administration in Sind during the First-half of the Seventeenth Century’, Islamic Culture, April, 1983, pp. 153–62.
(37) I. O., 4488.
(38) For Akbar’s times, Ain, II, (Jarrett), pp. 326–7 and 333; for the 17th-18th century, I. O., 4488.
(39) I. O., 4488.
(40) Irfan Habib, Atlas, Sheet 5B.
(41) M. Athar Ali, ‘Provincial Governors under Aurangzeb—An Analysis’, in K. A. Nizami (ed.), Medieval India—a Miscellany, I, pp. 117–18. As we have seen earlier in Chapter 2, Prince Muizz-ud-Din held Multan in his governorship, also under Bahadur Shah.
(42) I. O. 4488. Earlier 3 mahals of Dodai land with a peshkash of 34, 80, 000 dams under the control of Ghazi Khan Dodai were subject to Multan. A large part of the Dodai country north of Dera Ghazi Khan appears to have been in Qandahar. Abul Fazl mentions the Indus on the east of Qandahar sarkar. Ain, p. 399. Strangely enough Dastur-ul-Amal-i Shahjahani (f. 27) mentions sarkar Muizzabad, giving the impression that the sarkar was formed in the time of Shahjahan (1626–57). Cf. Irfan Habib, Atlas, Notes on Sheet 4A, p. 9. But this reference, I think, needs clarification. It seems that some early eighteenthcentury papers have been mixed up with this particular volume.
Sarkar Muizzabad was divided into 26 zilas with a jama of 5,00,00,000 dams and a hasil of Rs 6,25,594. For some details of Prince Muizz-ud-Din’s expeditions against the Biloch chiefs, see Akhbarat (Aurangzeb) 44th R. Y., pp. 235,245a, 317a, 329b–330a; 45th R.Y., pp.34,68,91, 116a.
(43) Dabistan-i Mazahib, Calcutta, 1809, p. 286.
(44) W. H. McLeod, The Evolution of the Sikh Community, Delhi, 1975, pp. 1–19.
(45) W. Irvine, Later Moghuls, I, p. 98.
(46) K. K., II, pp. 651 and 658; Hadiqat, p. 148; Ganda Singh, Banda Singh Bahadur, Amritsar, 1935, pp. 83–4.
(47) W. Irvine, Later Moghuls I, pp. 97–8; S. M. Latif, History of the Panjab, pp. 275–6.
(48) Akhbarat, JS, p. 105.
(49) Ibid., JS, P. 282.
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(50) Ibid., BS, 4th r. y., p. 147.
(51) Ibid., BS, 5th r. y., p. 346.
(52) Qasim, ff. 33; W. Irvine, Later Moghuls I, p. 103; S. M. Latif, History of the Panjab, p. 276.
(53) Ganesh Das Vadehra, Char Bagh, pp. 119–20.
(54) Akhbarat, BS, 5th r. y., p. 251 for an imperial order to faujdar of Saharanpur to lead an expedition against Lai Kunwar Gujar who had devastated the khalisa and jagir villages around Saharanpur.
(55) The army of Jalal Khan Rohilla, faujdar of the sarkar and Saiyid Taj-ud-Din Barha which effected a crushing defeat on the Sikhs in 1710 in Jalalabad comprised a sizeable number of zamindars along with the shurafa of the region. Later when Jalal Khan joined the emperor near Kamal on their way to the Punjab, his armed contingents included a large number of the zamindars’ retinues. Ibid., BS, 4th r. y., pp. 147 and 235.
(56) Ibid., BS, 5th r. y., p. 395, pargana Ropar in the sixteenth century was in the Rajput zamindari, Ain, II (Jarrett), p. 301.
(57) Ibid., BS, 4th r. y., p. 357, 5th and 6th r. ys., II, p. 273. The zamindars in Beth Jalandhar, according to the Ain (Jarrett), pp. 320–1, were predominantly Rajputs.
(58) M. M., ff. 50b–51a; K. K., II, p. 767; Warid, pp. 287-8; M. U., II, pp. 825–8.
(59) Asrar-i Samadi, p. 19.
(60) Kamwar, ff. 325.
(61) In November 1711, for example, an Afghan zamindar of Beth Jalandhar was deputed to accompany Hoshdar Khan, the faujdar of Jalandhar, to the villages to mobilize and bring the zamindars for the chastisement of the Sikhs. Akhbarat, BS, 5th and 6th R.YS., II, p.455.
(62) In 1714, the Sikhs organized themselves under one Jagat Singh and fell upon the fortress of Umar Ghazi, an Afghan zamindar of Garhi Pathanan. The zamindar and the ri‘aya of the surrounding villages were forced to take refuge in the garhi; the Sikhs carried away a booty worth Rs 60,000 in cash and in kind. Compare B. S. Nijjar, Punjab under the Later Mughals, Jullundhar, 1972, pp. 52– 3.
(63) Akhbarat, BS, 5th and 6th r. ys., II, p. 440.
(64) K. K., II, p. 651.
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(65) Ibid., pp. 672–3.
(66) Cf. Sohan Singh, Banda, the Brave, Lahore, 1915, pp. 107.
(67) Kamwar, f. 326a; K. K., II, p. 673.
(68) Akhbarat, BS, 4th r. y., p. 200.
(69) K. K., II, p. 674.
(70) Ganesh Das Vadehra, Char Bagh (English tr. by J. S. Grewal and Indu Banga) p. 124. Vadehra’s Char Bagh-i Punjab is not a contemporary source. But the fact that Vadehra was a Khatri and writes on the basis of the reminiscences and records of his own family lends credibility to his observations.
Pahul: generally Khande ki pahul, that is water used for initiation according to the ceremony adopted by Guru Gobind Singh.
(71) W. H. McLeod, The Evolution of the Sikh Community, pp. 1–19. A section of the Khatris, even after the abolition of masand, continued to assert their authority. Compare J. D. Cunningham, A History of the Sikhs, reprint, Delhi, 1955, Appendix XXI, p. 348.
(72) Our sources do not record any resistance by the Khatris to the imperial order, while the non-Sikh Hindus appear to have resented it. This is why probably Sarfaraz Khan is reported to have directed the kotwal not to extend the order to the non-Sikh Hindus. But a fresh imperial order rejected the modification of Sarfaraz Khan and thereafter, all the Hindus with beards were to be denied entry to the court premises. Akhbarat, BS, 4th r. y., p. 203.
(73) Hadiqat, pp. 147–9.
(74) Compare K. K., II, pp. 654–5 for Sikh ravages in Sirhind, Jalalabad and some other towns in Delhi and Lahore subas. Also see Ganesh Das Vadehra, Char Bagh, p. 112. A new wall was built around the town of Batala in Muhammad Shah’s reign, very likely, to reinforce the defence against the Sikh raids. Cf., J. S. Grewal (ed and tr.) In the By-Lanes of History: Some Persian Documents from a Panjab Town, Simla, 1975, Introduction, p. 18.
(75) Ahwal, ff. 31.
(76) Akhbarat, FS, 3rd r. y., II, p. 228.
(77) Ibid., FS, 4th R.Y., p.55.
(78) Ibid., FS, 4th R.Y., p. 115.
(79) Ibid., FS, 4th R. Y., p. 140.
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(80) Ibid., FS, 3rd r. y., p. 289.
(81) Qasim, f. 33a.
(82) K. K., II, p. 656.
(83) See also Chapter 5.
(84) Jaipur Records, Sitamau transcripts, pp. 217–18. The Raja, however, did exactly the opposite of what Banda wanted them to do. Subsequently, Jai Singh along with Raja Ajit Singh marched towards Lohgarh, not in response to the Sikhs’ invitation but in compliance with the imperial order to chastise the Sikhs. Also when after their arrival at Lohgarh, Banda wrote them a letter threatening them with the consequence of Sikh inroads into their territories, the rajas killed the Sikh messengers and issued orders to kill all the followers and associates of Banda in their camps.
(85) On 28 October 1711, the emperor issued an order that whosoever was found guilty of communicating the news of the imperial camp outside should instantly be put to death and that Hindu mendicants should be debarred from entering the camp. On 18 January 1712, one Balan Bairagi of the office of the wazir was accused of and imprisoned for spying for the Sikhs. Akhbarat, BS, 4th r. y., p. 23: 5th and 6th r. ys., p. 429.
(86) For Aurangzeb’s relations with the Rajas of Jaipur and Jodhpur, see V. S. Bhatnagar, Life and Times of Sawai Raja Jai Singh, pp. 13–28, Delhi, 1974; G. D. Sharma, Rajput Polity, Delhi, 1977, pp. 176–94; see also M. Athar Ali, ‘Causes of Rathor Rebellion of 1679’, PIHC, 24th Session, Delhi, 1961, pp. 135–41.
(87) Muhammad Qasim Lahori, Ibrat Maqal (Bound with ibratnama) Patna MS., quoted by S. H. Askari, ‘Baba Nanak in Persian Sources’, Journal of the Sikh Studies, Vol. II, No. 2, August 1975, pp. 112–16.
(88) Note the contents and imagery of Gobind Singh’s compositions, especially, Chandi Charitar Ukat Bilas and Krishna Avtar. While writing Krishna Avtar, the Guru was so impressed by Hindu mythology that he decided to sent five learned Sikhs to Benaras to collect for him the material from ancient philosophy and thought. They stayed in Benaras for seven (according to one report ten) years. They began the ‘Nirmal School’ of Sikh philosophy. S. S. Bal, ‘Early Years of the Pontificate of Guru Gobind Singh’; McLeod, Evolution of the Sikh Community, p. 13. Kamwar Khan appears to have noted the difference between the early Sikhs (Nanak parasts) and the Sikhs of his own time who rose in arms against the Mughals. He captions his account of the Sikh revolts as follows: ‘Hazimat yaftan firqa-i zallah, bad mazhaban-i la‘inkih khud ra Nanakparast qarardadah budand wa halankih dar hich mazhab-i qadim na budand’ (Defeat of the misguided, impious and the detested community who considered themselves to have been
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the followers of Nanak while in actuality they followed no ancient religion at all) Kamwar, p. 108.
(89) Ganesh Das Vadehra, Char Bagh, p. 17.
(90) Akhbarat, JS, p. 105.
(91) Ibid., BS, 4th r. y., pp. 307–8, 345, 357 and 372; JS, p. 122.
(92) Kamwar, f. 326b.
(93) A. R. Khan, Chieftains in the Mughal Empire, pp. 209–10.
(94) Compare Muzaffar Alam, ‘The Zamindars and Mughal Power in the Deccan, 1686–1712’, IESHR, March 1974, for the attitude of some Deccan zamindars towards the Mughals, in the wake of the Maratha risings.
(95) For details see, W. Irvine, Later Moghuls I, pp. 84–6; S. M. Latif, History of the Panjab, pp. 264–5.
(96) Bilaur, Chamba, Samba, Goler, Hindur, Jammu, Jasrota, Jaswan, Kangra, Kulu, Kumaon, Kahlur (Bilaspur), Nadaun, Nurpur, Rajauri, Sirmur and Srinagar Garhwal.
(97) Akhbarat, BS, 4th R. Y., pp. 241 and 246.
(98) Ibid., 5th R. Y., p. 155.
(99) Ibid., 4th R. Y.
(100) Ibid., BS, 4th R. Y., p. 412; 5th R. Y, pp. 41 and 81; Kamwar, f. 326b.
(101) Ibid., 5th R. Y., p. 70.
(102) Ibid., p. 374.
(103) Ibid., pp. 344 and 381.
(104) Ibid., p. 346.
(105) Ibid., 5th and 6th R.YS., II, pp. 427–8.
(106) Ibid., 5th R. Y., pp. 135 and 231.
(107) Ibid., 5th R. Y., pp. 27 and 152.
(108) Ibid., p. 175. See also p. 259 for the Nurpur chief’s support to the Sikhs.
(109) Ibid., 5th R. Y., pp. 135 and 147–8.
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(110) Ibid., 5th and 6th R.YS., II, pp. 484 and 587.
(111) Ibid., 5th and 6th R. YS, p. 619.
(112) Guru Gobind is said to have visited Kulu to seek assistance from the chief against the Mughals. The chief seems to have treated the Guru inhospitably. The local tradition also records an exchange of the performance of miracles between the Guru and the chief. The Guru was then imprisoned in an iron cage, but he managed to miraculously escape to Mandi where he was courteously entertained by Sidh Sen, the chief of that state. Cf. J. Hutchison and J. Ph. Vogel, History of the Panjab Hill States, Lahore, 1933, II, pp. 464–5.
(113) Akhbarat, BS, 5th and 6th R. YS., II, p. 457.
(114) Jaipur Records (transcripts) Sarkar Collection, XIV, p. 218.
(115) Ibid., 5th and 6th R. YS., II, p. 455.
(116) Ibid., 5th R. Y., p. 374 (28 September 1711).
(117) Cf. A. R. Khan, Cheiftains in the Mughal Empire, chapters on subas Lahore and Gujarat.
(118) Kamwar, f. 327b.
(119) Akhbarat, BS, 5th R. Y., p. 70.
(120) Ibid., BS, 5th and 6th R. YS., pp. 481–2. It was in recognition of the supremacy of Jai Singh and Ajit Singh as well as of their enviable position at the Mughal court that the hill chiefs approached them to intervene on their behalf. The hill chiefs, however, must have been familiar with the rajas’ discontent over their existing position and it is not unlikely that by writing to them in confidence, they sought the possibility of exploiting the Kachhwaha and Rathor Rajas’ existing unhappiness to their advantage. For details of the relations between Bahadur Shah and Jai Singh and Ajit Singh see, Parties and Politics, pp. 29–39; G. D. Sharma, Rajput Polity, pp. 195–218.
(121) Tarikh-i Shah Alam I, National Archives, New Delhi transcript, p. 46; Akhbarat, BS, 4th R. Y., p. 403.
(122) Akhbarat, FS, 4th R. Y., p. 263.
(123) Ibid., BS, 5th and 6th R. YS., II, pp. 469 and 482.
(124) Kamwar, f. 330a.
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(125) Akhbarat, BS, 5th and 6th R. YS., p. 549; Kamwar, f. 331a. Fauj Ali Khan’s appointment also formed part of the centre’s attempt at curtailing the power of the governor of the Punjab, Asad Khan. See Chapter 2, Section II.
(126) Kamwar, f. 325b.
(127) Ibid., ff. 329b; Akhbarat, BS, 5th R. Y., p. 305.
(128) Akhbarat, BS, 5th R.Y., p. 321 (27 August 1711).
(129) One Dayanat Rai, for instance, who worked in the sarkar of Musawi Khan as his peshdast was handcuffed by the kotwal for his alleged adherence to the Sikh faith. At Dayanat Rai’s instance some hill chief connived at Banda’s escape from his territory. Cf. Akhbarat, BS, 5th R. Y., p. 344; K. K., II, p. 674.
(130) The Sikh leader seems to have had a following even among some Muslims. On 15 February 1711, one Pir Muhammad Bhatti possibly a member of the rebel Bhattis of Jalandhar Doab, is said to have shouted ‘Wah Guru’ ‘Wah Guru’ at the court. Akhbarat, BS, 5th R. Y., p. 50.
(131) Ibid., 4th R. Y., pp. 200 and 203: K. K., II, p. 674. For Sarfaraz Khan, see T. Muhammadi, p. 93.
(132) Ibid., 5th R. Y., p. 303.
(133) Akhbarat, JS, pp. 133 and 162.
(134) The chiefs of Kangra and Nurpur, for instance, are described in our sources as zamindars of the khalisa mahals. Ibid., FS, 4th R. Y., I, p. 263.
(135) Ibid., FS, 1st and 2nd R. YS., I, pp, 129, 152 and 259.
(136) With the help of the Srinagar-Garhwal chief and the banjaras, the Sikhs marched and aspired to invade as far as the territory of sarkar Moradabad and chakla Bareilly in suba Delhi. Akhbarat, FS, 1st and 2nd R. YS., I, pp. 259 and 327.
(137) Ibid., 3rd R. Y., II, p. 23.
(138) Ibid., 2nd R.Y., II, pp. 24 and 213; Kamwar, f. 344a. A Gujar uprising is first noticed in the Akhbarat of 23 Jumada II,1123/28 July 1711, when a Gujar, Lal Kunwar by name, was reported to have ravaged the khalisa and the jagir villages in sarkar Saharanpur. Jalal Khan, the faujdar of the sarkar who had been directed to chastise Lal Kunwar seems to have been unable to contain the rebel Gujar. Cf. Akhbarat BS, 5th R. Y., p. 231.
(139) Ibid., 4th R. Y., I, p. 137.
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(140) Saiyid Najm-ud-Din Ali Khan Barha with a large army hot on the chase of the rebel Gujars was then camping in the Doon valley in the territory of the Srinagar-Garhwal chief, where the rebels had taken shelter. The chief, as he stated in his letter to the raja, sent a detachment under his diwan and bakhshi to the valley. The Gujars could not hold out against the joint army of the chief and Najm-ud-Din Ali Khan and had to run away from the valley. On the suggestion of Najm-ud-Din Ali Khan, the emperor and the wazir each sent a khil‘at and a horse for the chief. His fort was, however, still in the control of the Kumaon chief. Therefore he approached Raja Jai Singh to intercede and recommend that the fort and the plundered wealth of Srinagar-Garhwal be returned to him by the Kumaon chief. Compare Akhbarat, Miscellaneous, iii, pp. 154–6. Letter of the Garhwal chief to Jai Singh.
Saiyid Najm-ud-Din Ali Khan Barha was one of the brothers of Saiyid Abdullah Khan and Husain Ali Khan. He was given a mansab of 4000/2000 in the beginning of Farrukh Siyar’s reign: In 1719 he was made the darogha of the diwan-i khas. In the same year he was appointed the governor of Delhi. He was imprisoned after the fall of the Saiyids. In 1726 he was released and appointed the governor of Ajmer on the recommendation of Sarbuland Khan. Later, he was made faujdar of Gwalior where he died in 1728. M. U., II, pp. 508–10; T. Muhammadi, p. 67, Kamwar, ff. 323b. 344a, 456a, 347b, 351b, 360a, 360b, 361b, 362a, 263b, 365b, 366a, 371b, 374b, 375b and 376a.
(141) Akhbarat, FS 4th R. Y., I, p. 263 and II, p. 181.
(142) In July 1714 when about 10,000 Sikhs had taken refuge in the territory of Goler, and the zamindar along with these Sikhs was reported to have made incursions into, and plundered, the imperial territory, Ilah Yar Beg, the deputy faujdar of Jammu, invaded the territory of the Goler chief along with the retainers of the other chiefs and dispossessed him of his fort at Goler. Ibid., FS, 4th R.Y., I, p. 142.
(143) Ganesh Das Vadera, Char Bagh, p. 122.
(144) Satish Chandra, Parties and Politics, p. 68.
(145) Cf. W. Irvine, Later Moghuls, I, pp. 253 and 275–81; see also, Chapter I, Section 2.
(146) Kamwar, f. 345b.
(147) Ibid., f. 345b.
(148) Ibid., ff. 319b; 347a and 373b; M.U., p. 331. According to Kamwar, f. 373b, the mansab of Muhkam Singh in the beginning of Muhammad Shah’s reign was 6000/4000.
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(149) Muhammad Yar Khan son of Bahman Yar Khan and a grandson of Yamin-ud- Daulah Asaf Khan, began his career with a mansab of 400 zat in the 12th R. Y., of Aurangzeb. In the 40th R.Y., he was appointed the governor of the suba of Delhi. He retained the governorship of Delhi (deputy governorship) along with the qiladari of the fort under Bahadur Shah. In the reign of Farrukh Siyar, he was promoted to 5000/2000 and was given the charge of imperial household (khan-i saman) in addition to his office of the qiladari of the Delhi fort. He retained the office of khan-i saman till 1718 when he was replaced by Inayatullah Khan Kashmiri. Though he did not hold any office after the reign of Farrukh Siyar, he retained his mansab and jagir till his death in January 1726. M. U., III, pp. 706– 11; Kamwar, ff. 312b, 314a, 330a, 320a, 327a, 339a, 339b, 342a, 351b, 356a, 360b and 376b; T. Muhammadi, p. 61.
(150) Kamwar, ff. 320a and 360a.
(151) Kamwar, f. 338 (Paris MS.).
(152) Safarnama, pp. 4, 8, 10, 12, 17–18, 25–6, 36, 39, 57, 60, 62, 92, 100 and 108; Badai, p. 40 (Rampur MS.).
(153) Safarnama (Introduction of the editor), p. 7; Bindraban Das ‘Khushgo’, Safina-i Khushgo, ed. Ata-ur-Rahman Kakwi, Patna, 1959, p. 331.
(154) In this respect, the following comment of Anand Ram ‘Mukhlis’ which reflects the attitude of even those Khatris who were a part of the Mughal administration is interesting: ‘Trade is many times better than nobility: Nobility makes one subject while in (the profession of) trade one leads the life of a ruler. The wealth accumulated by a noble is a misfortune whereas the money earned in trade is lawfully enjoyable’. Safarnama (Introduction of the editor), p. 22.
(155) Badai, pp. 30 and 31.
(156) Cf. S. A. Ali’s article in Urdu on Anand Ram ‘Mukhlis’ in the Oriental College Magazine (Urdu), Lahore, November 1941, pp. 92, 112, 124. Ali quotes extensively from the works of ‘Mukhlis’.
(157) Cf. Irfan Habib, ‘Potentialities of Change in the Economy of Mughal India’, The Socialist Digest, No. 6, September 1972, p. 121.
(158) In this connection see also M. Athar Ali, ‘The Passing of Empire: The Mughal Case’, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 9, No. 3, 1975, pp. 387–9.
(159) M. A. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, p. 250.
(160) Akhbarat, FS, 2nd R. Y., II, p. 88.
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